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All of that would mean traffickers make less money from each woman and need more time to make it. The numbers seem to support that, at least: Last year, Sweden identified only 40 cases of sex trafficking, according to the State Department's annual report on human trafficking, released in June.

It's not just the ban on buying sex that makes Sweden tough on traffickers. There's another law banning both exploiting sex sellers and benefiting materially from their exploitation.

Wahlberg says the law is designed to target pimps, but admits it's not foolproof. Most of those nabbed by the law are middle managers; the masterminds run the show from abroad, over cell phone and email.

Women who sell or have sold sex, like Pye Jakobsson, say the "procurement law," as the anti-pimping legislation is known, can make it difficult for sex workers to find safe places to work or even to keep their apartments.

Wahlberg insists that this interpretation is erroneous, although the law itself clearly carves out such overly broad powers which can and are also used against hotels on what it calls "procuring.

Sex worker safety is a hotly contested topic in Sweden. Jakobsson is an outspoken critic of the Swedish legislation, arguing it has made prostitution more dangerous.

Men who need to dodge the law won't fix a time and a place to meet, she says. Often they insist instead on picking a woman up at a public location and driving her somewhere — somewhere she may not know.

Street prostitutes could keep an eye out for each other, note license plate numbers, and make calls if a woman had disappeared for too long.

All those informal protection measures have disappeared with the new law, she said. Jakobsson also argues — and cites reports from the International Labor Organization , the United Nations-backed Global Commission on the Law and HIV, and the World Health Organization — that criminalizing either end of transactional sex makes it more difficult to protect the health of women and men who sell sex.

The "harm-reduction approach," as public health arguments against criminalization are often called, seems to have persuaded some human rights groups, including Amnesty International, which caused a stir in January when a draft of its proposal to support decriminalization of sex work was leaked.

Chairs of national chapters met in London last month to debate the proposed policy but couldn't agree on a position and left a final decision to the group's international board, which meets in October.

The harm-reduction approach tends to focus on curbing HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. Supporters of the law say free condom distribution and other forms of outreach can mitigate that threat, but agnostics like Ljungros, of RFSU, aren't so confident that theory turns into practice.

The state's overall goal is the reduction of prostitution, and she said this question always comes up: "Can we distribute condoms to people selling sex?

Is it then encouraging them to sell sex? Then there is the question of whether a buyer will actually use that condom. Critics, and some research, suggest that the law has increased the power that men buying sex hold over the women who sell to them.

Jakobsson says clients in Sweden today have more power to demand riskier sex, from refusing to use condoms to engaging in edgier sexual practices.

And a study by Swedish researcher Gabriella Scaramuzzino found that the law inspired buyers to organize themselves to leverage a kind of collective bargaining power.

They used the internet to review their experiences, in chatrooms that function like a Yelp for transactional sex, and they banded together to demand "consumer rights," like a money-back guarantee.

It is ironic that men are innovating to preserve their power in these transactions, considering that the goal of the Sex Purchase Act was, above all, to help equalize relations between men and women.

The law was passed in in a package of bills targeting violence against women, and every supporter of the law interviewed used the word "normative" to describe its essential purpose: to change how Swedes feel about buying sex — not because it's risky sexual behavior or because it's immoral, but because it perpetuates male domination.

Feminism — or rather, whose feminism is the right feminism — is itself at stake in Sweden's debate over this legislation.

Swedish women's organizations, and the state itself, think feminism means protecting women in prostitution from people who want to exploit them.

Carina Edlund comes from northern Sweden. At a bar in Stockholm, she said playfully, "I shouldn't be here.

I should be making babies. Her mother stayed at home. She comes from a socially conservative town that wasn't thrilled with her early life choices.

It didn't work," said Edlund, now in her thirties. Edlund objects, strenuously, to the idea that she's been oppressed into sex work.

Though they won't say so directly, it's clear that all the major supporters of the law don't believe women like Edlund.

They point to histories of abuse or drug addiction, both of which she has suffered and are fairly common among sex workers, as evidence of exploitation, of the absence of free will among the women who survived those experiences and went on to sell sex.

In fact, there's a lot about her sex work that defies society's understanding of the way she earns a living — and she has grown a bit impatient about it.

I am a sex worker. I have truly been in and from rehab. I'm gay. And I sell sex to men," she said. It may very well be that the law is society's way of demonstrating its concern for vulnerable women.

But, she said, it also creates "the problem of telling women, 'You don't have a right to your own body. What kind of decisions are you allowed to make?

Are you allowed to work in an industry in India where you make, like, nothing? Are you allowed to make that decision? Most supporters of the law don't believe women like Edlund exist, or if they do, there are so few of them that it makes little difference.

The bigger question is, what kind of society do we want to live in? Cederlöf, whose office is a point of contact for women seeking to leave prostitution, says there are too few women like Jakobsson or Edulund to allow those objections to carry the day.

In all democracies, sometimes the minority has to step back because the majority thinks the same way. I think it's the same here," he said.

This is our choice,'" he said. That's the whole point: Someone is making money off this person. Opinion polls have shown high public support. The rest "didn't know".

The young adult population , particularly women, were most in favor of the law. Respondents included both men and women. The methodology has been criticised.

In , the Swedish government appointed Supreme Court Justice and later Justice Chancellor Justitiekanslern , Anna Skarhed , to lead an official inquiry into the effects that the purchase law has had on prostitution and human trafficking in Sweden.

Is Sex Work? One group of scholars, politicians, and NGOs made a submission to the Commission on 17 March , arguing that the Government should provide a civil rights remedy to people in prostitution in order to support their exiting the trade.

In support of this, they cited a case [] in which it was held that the law did not provide a woman with a civil right to damage awards from a purchaser in a sexual transaction.

Among this group of thirteen petitioners, were the Swedish Association of Women's Shelters and Young Women's Empowerment Centres [] one of the two national umbrella shelter-organisations , the Social Democrat's Women's Federation S-Kvinnor , and the immigrant-oriented women's shelter Terrafem.

It stated that since the introduction of the ban on buying sex, street prostitution had been halved, and that: "This reduction may be considered to be a direct result of the criminalisation of sex purchases.

It was also found that there had been no overall increase in prostitution in Sweden. The report also acknowledged Internet indoor prostitution as an expanding market, which is more difficult to study and verify than street prostitution, and which, in the last five years, has increased in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark; however, it stated, concurring with the NIKK report above , that "the scale of this form of prostitution is more extensive in our neighbouring countries, and there is nothing to indicate that a greater increase in prostitution over the Internet has occurred in Sweden than in these comparable countries.

This indicates that the ban has not led to street prostitution in Sweden shifting arenas to the Internet. It was also noted that there were many limitations to evaluating the situation of prostitution in Sweden, due to the nature of prostitution and trafficking which are "complex and multifaceted social phenomena which partly occur in secret" and the fact that many empirical surveys had limited scope, and different methodologies and purposes.

Sweden's position on prostitution was re-affirmed: "Those who defend prostitution argue that it is possible to differentiate between voluntary and non-voluntary prostitution, that adults should have the right to freely sell and freely purchase sex However, based on a gender equality and human rights perspective, The report was sent to the consultation process, where interested groups were provided with the opportunity to comment on it see below.

Release of the report attracted many initial commentaries in both English [] [] and Swedish. The law's supporters see the report as affirmation, while critics complain it adds nothing since it is not based on empirical research.

They have commented on the lack of methodology and evidence and the failure to adequately consult with prostitutes themselves and have questioned the scientific validity.

They have also raised the question as to whether it should be translated into English only a summary is available to allow a wider examination.

At the time of the release of the report, the Littoringate affair see above was occupying the media, leading people to question the law's purpose and underlying rationale when even government ministers were ignoring it.

However, the debate continues to be very divisive. Some have considered the numbers on street prostitution in Denmark to be over reported, based on a report from the Danish prostitutes' organisation Sexarbejdernes Interesse Organisation SIO.

Other data suggests that any over reporting would not be as large and even if so the number of persons in prostitution in total is many times larger in Denmark than in Sweden and Danish numbers on indoor prostitution were estimated at These numbers were mainly based on advertising, not Reden.

Assuming is the number for outdoor prostitution in Denmark, that only amounts to a fourth of prostitution in Denmark.

Therefore, it seems unlikely that street prostitution could be so significantly lower as SIO claims. However, whatever the numbers, the scientific question is whether this has anything to do with the sex purchase law or, rather, reflects historical patterns and cultural attitudes.

Two researchers stated that they had evidence, based on cross-national data, that the Swedish ban was an effective counter-trafficking tool, [] but this was criticised on methodological grounds by commentators.

The debate moved to the political arena when a government member of parliament, Camilla Lindberg [] Liberal Dalarna and Opposition member Marianne Berg Left Malmö published a bi-partisan article in Expressen , stating that the law did not protect women, but rather, hurt them, by reinforcing patriarchal attitudes towards women's control of their sexuality.

In the United Kingdom, one supporter of the Swedish approach, Julie Bindel , stated that she hoped that the evaluation would put an end to the claims that the sex-purchase law had been detrimental.

She also wrote that, "No doubt, critics of this law will soon be arguing that the research that formed the basis of this evaluation is flawed and biased".

In Queensland , Australia, the state government body responsible for regulating prostitution, the PLA , issued its own critique of the Skarhed Report, describing it as rhetoric that was not substantiated by evidence.

While many were favourable, those from academic sources, such as the Department of Criminology at Stockholm University were very critical.

Two Swedish researchers, Petra Östergren and Susanne Dodillet , analysed the responses and compared them to the official report and found major contradictions.

Their study concluded that there was no evidence to support the official claims. The Swedish Government announced that it intended to increase the penalty for purchasing sex from six months to one year's imprisonment, effective July 1, Although the political scene had changed by , the parties that had voted against the sex purchase law in , and were now in power, no longer opposed it, and it became a non-partisan issue, although individual politicians still questioned the wisdom of the policy.

On 3 May , Hanna Wagenius [] of the Centre Party Youth introduced a motion to repeal the sex purchase law, arguing that it did not help women involved in prostitution and that trafficking had actually increased since the law came into effect.

The motion was passed Abolish the Sex Purchase Law! The law continues to remain controversial in Sweden, with regular debates in the media.

On 30 January , writing in Newsmill , [] Helena von Schantz challenged the Liberal party leadership as to why it supported the lengthening of sentences for buying sex.

In , a research paper on the consequences of the Swedish legislation to sex workers concluded that the realisation of the desired outcomes of the legislation is hard to measure, whereas the law has stigmatised the already vulnerable sex workers.

It specifically pointed out that this also applies to the Swedish model, claiming it has actually resulted in consequences for the sex workers, even though reported as a success to the public.

Sweden 's Sex Purchase Act Swedish : Sexköpslagen , enacted in , makes it illegal to purchase "sexual services" sexuell tjänst , but not to sell them.

The rationale for criminalising the purchaser, but not the seller, was stated in the government proposition, namely that " The Act amended to be part of the Criminal Code, or Brottsbalk in [] states:.

Lag The provision of the first paragraph also applies if the payment was promised or given by another person. In , the number of police reports was 1,, with 86 convictions in A Supreme court ruling has prevented the optional jail term being applied, and some parliamentarians have called for a minimum one-year jail term.

The number of convictions was not reported. Prior to the sex purchase law, third party activities were already criminalised under the Criminal Code, as 6.

Vid bedömande av om brottet är grovt skall särskilt beaktas om brottet avsett en verksamhet som bedrivits i större omfattning, medfört betydande vinning eller inneburit ett hänsynslöst utnyttjande av annan.

If a person who, holding the right to the use of premises, has granted the right to use them to another, subsequently learns that the premises are wholly or to a substantial extent used for casual sexual relations in return for payment and omits to do what can reasonably be requested to terminate the granted right, he or she shall, if the activity continues or is resumed at the premises, be considered to have promoted the activity and shall be held criminally liable pursuant to the first paragraph.

If a crime provided for in the first or second paragraph is considered gross, imprisonment for at least two and at most eight years shall be imposed for gross procuring.

In assessing whether the crime is gross, special consideration shall be given to whether the crime has concerned a large-scale activity, brought significant financial gain or involved ruthless exploitation of another person.

Sweden is a destination and, to a lesser extent, source and transit country for women and children subjected to sex trafficking.

Sex trafficking victims largely originate from Eastern Europe , Africa , East Asia , and the Middle East , though Swedish women and girls are vulnerable to sex trafficking within the country.

Roma , primarily from Romania and Bulgaria , are vulnerable to sex trafficking. Most traffickers are the same nationality as their victims and are often part of criminal networks engaged in multiple criminal activities, although an increasing number of reported cases involve traffickers who are family members or have no ties to organised crime.

Street children in Sweden, especially boys from Morocco , are vulnerable to child sex trafficking and forced criminality. Approximately 4, to 5, Swedes commit child sex tourism offenses abroad annually, primarily in Asia.

Sex trafficking statistics for Sweden from the US Department of State Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons annual reports which are based on figures from the Swedish government and judiciary.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. See also: Human trafficking in Sweden. Höganäs: Bra böcker. Retrieved 11 October Gunilla Roempke. Vristens makt - dansös i mätressernas tidevarv.

Hall, eds. Ministry of Health and Social Affairs. Gould, Jnl Soc. By subsuming prostitution into this concept, it gave it a very distinct conceptualisation.

International Approaches to Prostitution. The Policy Press, London , pp. Retrieved 31 December BBC News. Retrieved 19 June Östergren was the author of Porr, horor och feminister "Porn, Whores, and Feminists" , The Copenhagen Post.

Archived from the original on 5 June Cook, I. The British Journal of Criminology. Retrieved 26 June Anti-Trafficking Review 12 : 91— Washington, D.

United Nations Development Programme. Bangkok, Thailand. Eur J Soc Work. Prostitution, Trafficking and Traumatic Stress.

Psychology Press. NBC News. Traveled through Norway a few months ago. Had a great time. Went on to Stockholm and then Helsinki.

One thing I noticed was that in Oslo, there were hundreds of prostitutes and drug dealers out at night that were really aggressive.

Just walking from the bars in the city center to my hostel, I was approached at least a dozen times by very candid prostitutes and drug dealers, who hung out on almost every corner.

I wasn't approached at all in Stockholm or Helsinki, and I was surprised by the difference because of the stereotype that Scandinavian countries are similar also Im not sure if Finland is Scandinavian.

Anyways this was the only kind of unpleasant aspect of my time in Oslo. Not trying to pass a moral judgment on these people but it was just a hassle having to wade through so many prostitutes and drug dealers to get home and it kind of brought down the otherwise very high classiness level I found in Oslo.

Oslo does not have more drug dealers and prostitutes than Stockholm and Helsinki. The reason it may appear that way is because the police presence is less obvious and less intimidating, so the dealers and prostitutes that are there feel they can operate more out in the open.

Which, counter-intuitively, may be a good thing since public spaces tend to be something of an insurance against the violent crimes that tend to follow those sort of criminal endeavours when they happen in the shadows.

The druggies used to hang out at Plata , and the prostitutes in Skippergata. The city council decided that these areas needed to be cleaned up, and the result was that all the dealers and prostitutes relocated to the lower part of Karl Johan, at the very heart of Oslo.

Obviously, it would be impossible to completely get rid of both dealers and prostitutes, but frankly it's embarassing as hell that they're so visible in the central streets of Oslo.

My experience is just an anecdote but I was interested if others saw the same thing. The prostitutes were all women that approached me and the drug dealers were usually men; just the standard "you want some hash?

A lot of it was around Karl Johan, like you said. I find it hard to believe you were never approached by any drug dealers.

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The Sergels square sounds interesting at night but I'm not really looking for refugee con artists pushing oregano leaves.

Just somewhere with dive bars and outsiders is all. No red light district correct. Buying sexual services is actually against the law here, whereas prostitution is not.

You could check the area around metro Medborgarplatsen south exit. Just east of Skanstull on Ringvägen is also a bit seedy.

Here we had a violent gang clash a couple of years ago and at Brother Tuck on Götgatan we had a gang-related murder long ago though. So what you have is more of specific places rather than several blocks with 'bad' places.

Gröne Jägaren is the only place I have left without ordering anything just because of the vibes. But nothing really like a rowdy port district or similar.

The places Ugurd mentioned might be crappy bars yes, many are found around Södermalm that has their fair amount of local drunks and the occasional junkie, but I don't think that's what you're after And, yes, since buying sex is illegal thete's a big chance you'll get the Prostitution Group on your tail just by floating around the area.

Minor tip The more a place advertises cheap beer, the bigger the chance for a fight or two between drunks. If Joel shows up in a mini skirt and stockings, I don't think the vice squad will regard him as a criminal, rather a victim who should be treated to some free coffee.

So it's a business where you're allowed to sell, but a customer is not allowed to purchase the goods. Doesn't sound like a sound business plan to me.

For the record guys, I don't plan on utilizing the services of hookers or hustlers. I just wanna see where they live :.

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